F.R. Duplantier reporting Behind The Headlines
Week of:
March 26, 2000
Sexual Revolution Was No Accident

F.R. Duplantier

by: F.R. Duplantier

The sexual revolution in America didn't just happen. From the beginning, there were vested interests urging it on.

"In the years between 1965 and 1974, the federal government's role in family planning policy underwent a dramatic shift from nonintervention to active involvement," recalls St. Louis University history professor Donald Critchlow. "This change occurred," he emphasizes, "with the support of both political parties, Republican and Democratic, under the administrations of Lyndon Baines Johnson and Richard M. Nixon. Initially federal family planning meant artificial contraception and sterilization," Critchlow notes, "but after 1973 it included abortion. Although the legalization of abortion by the Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade led to the emergence of an antiabortion movement and fierce debate," he observes, "federal involvement in family planning remained established policy."

In his new book, Intended Consequences, published by the Oxford University Press, Critchlow cites the fear of overpopulation and the assertion of a woman's alleged right to abortion as the driving forces behind the "modern family planning movement in the United States." He points out that "the primary impetus for federal family planning policy came initially from those who believed that overpopulation threatened political, economic, and social stability in the United States and the world. Those policy experts and activists who lobbied policy makers in Washington to initiate federally funded contraceptive programs saw family planning as a means of controlling the burgeoning global population and the rise in the birthrate in America following the war."

Prominent in this "loosely knit coalition of organizations" pumping for family planning, says Critchlow, were "philanthropic foundations such as the Population Council and the Ford Foundation and activist organizations such as the Population Crisis Committee and Planned Parenthood of America." He reports that "these organizations cooperated in an intense lobbying effort to involve the federal government in family planning." Critchlow asserts that "many of the advocates of family planning welcomed the sexual revolution [and] began to lobby the White House and Congress to pursue activist intervention policies." He concludes that "the widespread use of contraception by Americans was an intended consequence of much of this activity. Furthermore," Critchlow adds, "men and women such as John D. Rockefeller and Mary Calderone became actively involved in instituting sex education programs designed explicitly to change American attitudes toward sex and sexuality."

The success of their efforts can be seen in the dramatic increases in teen sexual activity, unintended pregnancies, and disease that occurred in numerous school districts across the country after sex education curricula and condom distribution programs were introduced. The vested interests benefitting from this outburst of human misery include pornographers, many of whom publish the sex-ed curricula that inculcate an appetite for their filthy products; condom manufacturers, whose free samples are intended to generate future sales; abortion providers, who know that sex education accelerates sexual activity and that contraceptives over the long run inevitably fail, leading to increased demand for abortion services; the politicians who receive campaign contributions from the above interests; and the media, which look to rake in millions in advertising revenue from these same interests, once salutary taboos are sufficiently broken.

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